As troops from Huozhou and Shouzhou moved south, Chaozhou garrison forces were primarily composed of forces under Xu Mingzhen’s second son, Xu Sizhao.

According to the original plan, Xu Sizhao would replace Wen Bo as Chaozhou garrison commander, leading forces primarily responsible for southwestern flank defense or offensive operations against Li Zhigao’s Huaixi Imperial Guard forces.

After initial reorganization, Wen Bo’s twenty thousand elite infantry would all enter Chuzhou to merge with Shouzhou forces’ cavalry main strength suitable for mobile operations. On one hand they would suppress Han Qian and Xuzhou naval forces appearing in Tangyi, while on the other hand coordinating with Chen Kun’s forces from Zhongli to conduct harassment raids on Huaidong from the western flank, coordinating with Liang Emperor Zhu Yu, Han Yuanqi and others leading elite Liang cavalry and Xuzhou forces attacking Huaidong from the north.

In the final days of the second year of Yanyou, such a plan showed not the slightest problem.

After the Jinling incident, neither the Imperial Guard forces controlled by Anning Palace nor Shouzhou forces had fought any satisfying battles. Supplies were extremely scarce, with too many aspects requiring adjustment.

They also believed that with the naval main force and most elite Right Divine Martial Army annihilated, and Huaixi Imperial Guard forces suffering heavy losses, unable to capture Chaozhou City and forced to withdraw, reorganization was even more necessary.

A military force’s combat effectiveness was never measured by numbers alone. Thus when Han Qian extensively conscripted troops and recruited horses in Tangyi, incorporating tens of thousands of able-bodied civilian volunteers into military ranks in a short time, Shouzhou commanders and officers likewise did not consider it possible for Han Qian to launch large-scale offensive operations in the short term.

Xuzhou standing forces numbered only three thousand. In fact, they had repeatedly confirmed that Han Qian transferred two thousand troops from Xuzhou—the Xi clan of Chenzhou, Yang clan of Sizhou, and Tian clan of Yezhou had never been on good terms with Xuzhou. With civilian unrest in Sizhou spreading disaster to both Si and Ye prefectures, they all suspected Han Qian was manipulating matters behind the scenes. Under such circumstances, Han Qian could not possibly leave no troops whatsoever in Xuzhou—counting Jiangzhou forces and Guangde Prefecture forces, Han Qian only had six thousand trained veterans available in Tangyi.

They also had to consider that Jiangzhou forces and Guangde Prefecture forces, as local military reserves, were weaker than elite Imperial Guard forces in equipment and training.

When Han Qian initially formed the Chishan Army at Maoshan, besides having the foundation of Taowu conscripted soldier remnants in the early stages, he mainly took advantage of Chuzhou forces being in standoff with Anning Palace, unable to look south, to first practice training troops by attacking aristocratic families and powerful clans in the southern capital region.

After capturing Shangjia Fort, Han Qian rapidly led forces transferring to Langxi and Guangde between Fuyu Mountain and Jieling Mountain for reorganization, opening distance from contact with Chuzhou forces.

After delaying for another period of time, waiting until conditions were relatively mature in all aspects, Han Qian finally engaged in decisive battle with Xuanzhou forces that had also hastily expanded on a large scale in a short time, opening the situation for Yueyang forces’ eastward advance.

In any case, Zhao Mingting, Wen Bo, Wen Ruilin, and even Xu Mingzhen would not underestimate Han Qian’s ability to command troops in battle, and also concluded that for Han Qian to organize a combat-effective force of over twenty thousand would likewise require time.

After all, Han Qian was human, not a god.

Not to mention experiencing multiple bloody battles on the battlefield—without sufficient training, new recruits assisting in defending cities posed no major problems, but in field battles or participating in assault operations, they would expose numerous problems.

That Han Qian launched two relatively large-scale battles in succession on the north bank of Chuzhou in such a short time, Shouzhou commanders and officers felt was understandable.

With Han Qian’s back supported by Jinling and the vast Jiangdong region to defend Tangyi, he would never be content to be suppressed in an isolated city on the north bank.

As long as troop strength allowed, even willing to accept some casualties, to control a region with strategic depth—this was what a renowned general would do.

However, including Wen Bo, Zhao Mingting, Wen Ruilin and others, all believed that after these two battles, the hastily formed Tangyi forces had already been pressed to their limits and could not possibly have any major movements in the short term.

In the previous two battles, Tangyi forces relied on advantages in war equipment and suffered far fewer casualties than Shouzhou forces, but soldiers killed in battle would be no less than two thousand, with wounded soldiers losing combat effectiveness in the short term also exceeding two thousand.

They had reason to believe that the elite veteran soldiers in Han Qian’s hands suffered extremely heavy consumption in these two battles.

Even if Tangyi forces’ scale continued expanding over the following ten-plus days, Shouzhou commanders and officers all had sufficient reason to believe Tangyi forces’ combat effectiveness would only be spread thinner, with field battle and assault capabilities becoming weaker.

Before Great Chu’s naval main force was annihilated at Hongze Marsh, veterans of the displaced Left Guangde Army secretly formed the Chishan Association—something Xu Mingzhen, Wen Bo and other Shouzhou commanders had not anticipated.

Besides two thousand elite association members, the Chishan Association also provided over two thousand boatmen and sailors incorporated into Xuzhou naval forces, ensuring that among the two thousand elite troops Han Qian transferred from Xuzhou, over three-quarters could serve as core cadres incorporated into combat soldiers capable of landing operations.

The elite veteran soldiers Han Qian could use—on just these two points alone, Xu Mingzhen, Wen Bo and other Shouzhou commanders underestimated by nearly three thousand men.

That Tangyi forces rapidly expanded to twenty-four to twenty-five thousand troops in a short time—calculating by the former figure, elite veteran soldiers comprised only slightly over twenty percent.

Combined with Xu Mingzhen, Wen Bo and others mistakenly believing that in the two battles at Puyang and Tingzi Mountain, Tangyi forces’ veteran casualties were extremely heavy, this would cause the veteran proportion of Tangyi forces to decline and decrease sharply to an even greater degree.

Calculating by the latter figure, Tangyi forces’ elite veteran proportion approached forty percent.

If civilian volunteers primarily composed of Left Guangde Army veterans from Guangde Prefecture were included in the calculation, Tangyi forces’ elite veteran proportion exceeded fifty percent.

The two battles at Puyang and Tingzi Mountain appeared to inflict heavy casualties on Tangyi forces, but in reality this was not the case.

When Han Qian organized troops into military units in Tangyi, new and veteran soldiers were not distributed evenly, but rather distinguished into Class A and Class B battalions.

The proportion of elite veterans in Class A battalions was much higher than Class B battalions—one approaching seventy percent, the other only twenty percent.

In the two battles at Puyang and Tingzi Mountain, Class B battalions primarily served as the main force, while more elite Class A battalions deployed on the flanks, mainly stabilizing the situation through forward thrusts and counterattacks, sharing pressure on Class B combat battalions.

Han Qian arranged matters thus for two reasons: first, in such brutal attrition warfare, he could only steel his heart to use new recruits more as consumables; second, to paralyze the judgment of Xu Mingzhen, Wen Bo and others.

In reality, the over four thousand casualties from the two battles at Puyang and Tingzi Mountain had quite limited impact on Tangyi forces’ combat effectiveness.

There was another point Xu Mingzhen, Wen Bo and other Shouzhou commanders overlooked—that was Xuzhou’s officer training system.

They assumed that with Shouzhou’s three thousand standing troops, the number of junior officers would at most maintain around three to five hundred.

Even when expanding forces, large numbers of veterans could be promoted, but for these veterans to adapt to commanding squads of ten-plus men in combat still required a relatively long learning and adaptation process.

Even learning combat signals like drums, gongs and battle flags was an extremely complex and painful matter for rough men who could barely read.

In fact, besides the seven counties and over fifty townships of Xuzhou forming a clerical group based on Left Construction Bureau sons, over half of the three thousand standing soldiers had received one year or more of literacy and basic combat command training.

After the Jinling incident, Lin Haizheng, Zhao Wuji, Zhou Chu, Feng Xuan and others temporarily left the Xuzhou forces command system to take charge of county administration in various counties.

Han Qian arranged matters thus not only to conveniently clear positions, allowing Zhao Qi, He Liufeng, Xiao Dahu, Dou Rong, Wei Chang, Guo Que, Xi Fa’er, Lin Zongjing and others to assume battalion commander level military positions, but also to allow Lin Haizheng, Feng Xuan, Zhao Wuji and others to adapt to handling more complex military-political affairs beyond commanding troops in battle.

Han Qian simultaneously dispersed the three thousand provincial troops in patrol squad units, rotating them to various townships to participate in garrison duty, construction work, military farming, opening river channels, suppressing bandits and capturing raiders. Besides more fully utilizing the three thousand provincial troops’ manpower, this also allowed junior officers at the squad leader level to receive full practical training—transfers between squad leader level officers and township patrol commissioners and township assistant officials also occurred frequently.

When Han Qian forcibly took Left Construction Bureau scouts, sons, and craftsmen into Xuzhou, he had already begun using limited resources to systematically train various types of talent.

That Xu Mingzhen, Wen Bo and other leading Shouzhou commanders could not deeply recognize this point—how could they possibly have accurate judgment of the combat effectiveness of Tangyi forces that rapidly expanded to twenty-four to twenty-five thousand in just one month, and furthermore how could they possibly accurately judge Han Qian’s combat intentions?

Even upon receiving news that Tangyi forces boarded warships entering the Yuxi River to attack East Pass Stockade, the vast majority of Shouzhou commanders still concluded Han Qian was eager to compete for control of Chao Lake’s waterway to the Yangtze, ensuring contact between Chu’s eastern and western regions would not be weakened.

At this time the reaction of Chuzhou and Chaozhou garrison forces remained slow.

Everyone knew the Yuxi River suffered serious silting.

Even if East Pass Stockade fell temporarily, for Xuzhou naval warships to enter and exit Chao Lake would be extremely difficult.

The vast majority of Shouzhou commanders believed they controlled most strategic positions on both eastern and western shores of Chao Lake. Not only did they believe East Pass Stockade could hold for many days, but even if East Pass Stockade fell temporarily, they could easily envelop from left and right to recapture it.

Wen Bo at the time realized some problems, but personally he found it difficult to persuade other commanders who harbored complacency or wanted more stable reinforcement of Liyang and East Pass Stockade.

Not until Liyang garrison main force was lured away from the city by this diversionary tactic, not until Zhou Chu led troops to encircle Liyang City, not until Lin Haizheng, Zhao Qi, Su Lie led forces entering the predetermined interception zone, did Xu Mingzhen, Zhao Mingting, Wen Ruilin and others completely understand Han Qian’s combat intentions.

By this time, the reinforcements they dispatched from Chaozhou City and Chuzhou City—first, totaled only four thousand; second, these few reinforcements, harassed by small detachments of Tangyi cavalry scouts, moved slowly and were still north of the Chu River and Zhegao River originating from Fucha Mountain.

Following Wen Bo’s suggestion, Xu Mingzhen immediately transmitted orders for the two reinforcement columns from Chaozhou City and Chuzhou City reinforcing Liyang, as well as Liyang garrison forces that had been lured out of Liyang City to the southern foot of Rusu Mountain, to establish defensive positions on the spot, avoiding hasty field battles with Tangyi forces.

The Liyang garrison commander was one of Wen Bo’s subordinate commanders. Liyang County had also been temporarily placed under Chuzhou war zone administration. Not only were the military orders he received jointly issued by Xu Mingzhen and Wen Bo, his forces had already fought Xiao Dahu’s forces for a day at the southern foot of Rusu Mountain without gaining the slightest advantage.

The Liyang garrison commander had already realized the severity of the problem.

Seeing Zhou Chu leading forces thrusting straight toward Liyang City, he did not hope to defeat the enemy south of Rusu Mountain in a short time, nor did he hope to withdraw into Liyang City in time without resolving the enemy south of the mountain. The Liyang garrison commander chose to lead his forces withdrawing into a shallow valley at the southeastern foot of Rusu Mountain, forming battle lines to await reinforcements.

In fact, as long as his forces could hold fast at the southern foot of Rusu Mountain without being annihilated, they could tie down more Tangyi forces within Liyang territory, unable to advance or retreat, unable to free hands to enter other battlefields for reinforcement operations.

Apart from the Liyang garrison commander immediately following orders and responding without error, the commanders leading reinforcements from Chaozhou City and Chuzhou City to Liyang, even after receiving Xu Mingzhen’s military orders, still relied on their forces being elite cavalry, attempting to catch Tangyi forces off guard while their footing was still unsteady on both eastern and western flanks of Fucha Mountain.

Wen Bo personally rushed to sit in command at the western foot of Fucha Mountain, mainly because the second wave of four thousand reinforcement troops moving south from Chaozhou City were his subordinates who had been left in Chaozhou City and had not yet had time to transfer to Chuzhou.

However, by the time he and the second wave of reinforcements entered the battlefield at the southwestern foot of Fucha Mountain, the first wave of two thousand reinforcements moving south from Chaozhou City had already crashed bloodied and broken against the crude defensive lines Tangyi forces hastily established.

Losing over eight hundred elite troops, not only did they fail to break through Tangyi forces’ positions established on the upper reaches of Zhegao River, they did not even inflict many casualties on Tangyi forces in exchange.

From south of Fucha Mountain, circling from the eastern foot to the western foot, there was no direct connecting waterway.

The Chu River originated from the southeastern foot of Fucha Mountain and flowed eastward, while the Zhegao River connecting to Chao Lake flowed directly westward from the southwestern foot. No stream connected the Chu River and Zhegao River.

Even the Chu River waterway upstream of southeastern Fucha Mountain had become shallow and narrow. If not for the frozen snow and ice conditions, cavalry could directly wade across the river.

Large-scale supplies were difficult to transport west of Fucha Mountain in a day or two.

Lin Haizheng also mainly relied on over two thousand mules and horses prepared long beforehand to immediately drag war chariots and war equipment from the western bank of Wushou River into the preset interception positions.

Even with one extra day of preparation before enemy main reinforcements arrived, Lin Haizheng’s defensive lines could hardly be called complete.

Since they had already judged Han Qian and others’ combat intentions, Wen Bo was also very clear in his heart that even if Liyang City fell, they absolutely could not allow Tangyi forces to establish stable and solid stockades on both flanks of Fucha Mountain.

Otherwise, not to mention counterattacking to recapture Liyang City, contact between Chaozhou and Chuzhou City would also be severed.

That is to say, at that time, as long as Tangyi forces advanced northward along the Puyang River, with military strength reaching the Millstone Valley between the northern and southern sections of the Wujian Mountain range, Chuzhou City would instead fall under encirclement by Tangyi forces.

Wen Bo on one hand dispatched men to see Xu Sizhao, having him extract as many more troops as possible from the western shore of Chao Lake, while on the other hand directly commanding his subordinates to divide forces in rotation, launching fierce attacks on Tangyi forces’ interception positions at the western foot of Fucha Mountain while simultaneously establishing positions and reorganizing.

By this time He Liufeng had already led forces capturing East Pass Stockade. The troop strength attacking Liyang City was already sufficient. He Liufeng on one hand divided forces to converge with Xiao Dahu to attack enemy forces that had withdrawn to defend the shallow valley at the southeastern foot of Rusu Mountain, while on the other hand ordering Han Bao to bring over four hundred armored soldiers along the eastern foot of Rusu Mountain, climbing mountains and crossing ridges, rushing to Fucha Mountain’s western foot sixty li away to reinforce Lin Haizheng.

On the other hand, over two thousand civilian volunteers conscripted from Jiangzhou had arrived on both banks of the Yuxi River on approximately the same day He Liufeng led forces capturing East Pass Stockade.

At this time these civilian volunteers all bared their chests, treading barefoot in the freezing bone-chilling mud of the riverbanks. Tow ropes dug deep into their flesh. They used all their nursing strength to drag forward step by step warships whose pointed bottoms were sunken into the river bottom mud.

Even though the Yuxi River had extremely poor navigation conditions, as Chao Lake’s only waterway to the Yangtze in the present age, East Pass Stockade’s strategic value could not be overlooked.

From the western foot of Fucha Mountain to the bay on the eastern shore of Chao Lake, the Zhegao River connected them over thirty to forty li.

As long as some naval warships could pass through Rusu Pass into Chao Lake and then enter the Zhegao River, it would extremely powerfully support Lin Haizheng leading forces in interception operations at the western foot of Fucha Mountain.

Large quantities of supplies transported from Jiangzhou and other places arriving via the Yuxi River to East Pass Stockade—after unloading at East Pass Stockade, traveling less than ten li overland to Rusu Pass to reload onto ships, they could be sent into the western foot of Fucha Mountain for use in constructing stockades.

This route was far more convenient, rapid, and safe than the current overland transport route at the southern foot of Fucha Mountain that had been infiltrated by small detachments of enemy cavalry…

Aside from Tian Cheng, Feng Xuan, and Gao Shao remaining behind to sit in command at Tangyi, Tingshan, and Puyang, on the twenty-third day of the first month, Han Qian accompanied by Han Donghu, Han Chengmeng, Feng Yi, Xi Ren and others, rushed to East Pass Stockade to take command.

The success or failure of this battle hinged on two key points. First, whether they could successfully capture Liyang City and successfully annihilate enemy forces within Liyang territory, allowing Tangyi forces to form a continuous presence south of the Chu River, advancing and retreating freely without being divided across several battlefields unable to rapidly reinforce each other.

The second key point was whether they could successfully establish a stronghold at the western foot of Fucha Mountain, blocking enemy reinforcements from the Chaozhou direction north of Fucha Mountain and the Zhegao River.

Han Qian coming to East Pass Stockade served multiple purposes: on one hand to personally supervise various forces’ attacks on enemy forces within Liyang territory, on the other hand because subsequent reinforcements to the Fucha Mountain western foot battlefield would mainly transit through East Pass Stockade, and on another hand to more conveniently persuade garrison commanders defending cities west of the capital region to dispatch troops coordinating with Tangyi forces in battle.

After the naval main force and Right Divine Martial Army were annihilated, besides the Huaixi Imperial Guard forces Li Zhigao commanded in Shuzhou, there were still Imperial Guard Army forces responsible for defending Jinling City, and also the Right Dragon Martial Army based on early Yuan Hong’s Hongzhou forces and later Jiangxi Pacification Army, with Prince Shou (Prince of Yuzhang Yang Zhitang)’s heir Yang Fan as Commander, defending various counties in the capital region.

Yang Fan’s main commander headquarters was located at Caishi City over fifty li southeast of East Pass Stockade. The Jingxi region west of Jinling City—Fanchang, Caishi, Nanling and other areas—garrisoned ten thousand elite troops of the Right Dragon Martial Army.

The Imperial Guard Army and Right Dragon Martial Army were the final combat strength protecting the capital region and would not be deployed lightly.

For Great Chu’s ruler and ministers, they would rather lose the entire north bank of the Yangtze River to enemy hands than rashly commit this final combat strength to decisive battle.

Even if all of Huaixi and Huaidong were lost, as long as Great Chu could hold fast to Jinling City, they could still expect Jiangdong, Liangzhe, Jiangxi, and Hunan prefectures to continuously organize troops for reinforcement.

If even this final combat strength protecting the imperial capital was completely lost, Liang forces crossing the river could capture Jinling City—how much room would Great Chu have for death struggles?

However, when Han Qian went to defend Tangyi, making the situation on the north bank show possibility of stabilization, the Privy Council also authorized Yang Fan to mobilize a portion of Right Dragon Martial Army troops to the north bank to coordinate operations with Tangyi forces.

Whether the Right Dragon Martial Army was willing to coordinate in battle—the initiative did not rest with Han Qian. He could only have Feng Liao, Feng Yi and others lobby and persuade to the greatest extent possible.

The Right Dragon Martial Army’s combat effectiveness was not very strong. From the early Yuan Hong’s Hongzhou forces participating in vassal reduction campaigns, the main commanders and officers under Yang Zhitang and Yang Fan father and son’s leadership had no outstanding performances, but in reality there were also commanders eager to establish meritorious service.

As long as there were such commanders who could step forward to actively request deployment from Yang Fan, and the scale of troops entering the north bank to temporarily accept Han Qian’s command in battle—even if suffering heavy damage, it would not affect the Right Dragon Martial Army’s foundation—Yang Fan would not refuse and might even actively support it.

With Li Pu demoted to commoner status, only Zhou Bingwu remained in the Privy Council serving as Vice Privy Councilor.

If Yang Zhitang wanted to replace Li Pu as one of the two Vice Privy Councilors, or even go further, concurrently holding Privy Councilor while serving as Commander of all Imperial Guard camps, the Right Dragon Martial Army truly needed some eye-catching performances.

Ultimately, besides the Right Dragon Martial Army having two thousand troops cross the river entering the north bank to participate in siege operations against enemy forces that had withdrawn into the shallow valley at the southeastern foot of Rusu Mountain, on the twenty-fifth, Tan Yuliang had his younger brother Tan Xiuqun lead three battalions of Tianping Command soldiers, while Qiao Weihan led five hundred Wugang County troops and volunteers arriving at East Pass Stockade.

After news of the Right Divine Martial Army’s annihilation was confirmed, the court issued royal summons edicts to various prefectures.

On one hand, prefectures and counties assembling provincial troops and civilian volunteers, preparing war equipment and supplies needed for expeditions required time. On the other hand, with the situation collapsing, those arriving first at the battlefield were destined to suffer brutal casualties.

Even local officials utterly loyal to Great Chu—few were willing to become stepping stones for others to establish illustrious merit in answering the royal summons.

For royal summons edicts to take effect and assemble sufficient troops to protect Jinling—this could not be achieved effectively in just one or two months.

However, as long as royal summons edicts were issued, not to mention Tan Yuliang who led Tianping Command defending the Wuchuan River valley—Qiao Weihan leading Shaozhou’s Wugang County troops and volunteers following edict orders, Shaozhou Prefect and Left Divine Martial Guard Commander Chai Jian could not openly obstruct them.

Qiao Weihan’s Wugang County troops’ combat effectiveness was not strong. At this time they replaced a portion of East Pass Stockade’s garrison forces to intercept enemy forces attempting to advance eastward from the southern foot of Qibao Mountain. He Liufeng then received orders to lead one battalion of elite troops replaced from duty, along with three elite battalions of Tianping Command that Tan Xiuqun led as reinforcements, boarding warships already forcibly dragged into Chao Lake to rush to the upper reaches of Zhegao River.

By this time, Lin Haizheng’s forces had held fast at the western foot of Fucha Mountain for four days. Casualties already exceeded three thousand, with countless war machines destroyed.

At this time Wen Bo at the northwestern foot of Fucha Mountain, after deducting over three thousand casualties, still additionally gathered eight thousand cavalry and infantry. He had thought that after one or two more days of fierce assault, he could rout the current Tangyi forces and open the route from Fucha Mountain to reinforce Liyang. But seeing over two thousand reinforcements arrive, he could not help but feel despair rising from deep within.

Although they still held absolute advantage in troop numbers, having commanded troops for these years, how could he fail to see what caliber of elite troops these newly reinforced Chu forces were?

When Tan Yuliang led uprising forces to accept amnesty, he organized Tianping Command’s six elite battalions stationed defending the Wuchuan River valley.

These six elite battalions were themselves composed of uprising force veterans. Besides Tan family sons, there were also veterans like Blind Diao and a group of Xuzhou officers continuing to hide their identities serving within them. After accepting amnesty and garrisoning the Wuchuan River valley, money, grain, arms and equipment supplies were all provided according to Xuzhou forces’ standards. After reorganizing for nearly a year, all aspects could be said to have reached peak condition.

The three infantry battalions Tan Xiuqun led—aside from being weaker in expansion potential and medium to large war equipment—in equal-scale field charges, their elite quality would not be slightly inferior to Xuzhou forces, and might even surpass the Tangyi forces that had incorporated large numbers of new recruits by a notch.

How could Wen Bo not be alarmed by such fresh troops entering the battlefield?