The battle for Liyang concluded temporarily with over a thousand garrison troops surrendering and exiting the city.
The most intense fighting of this engagement did not actually occur during the assault on Liyang City itself.
After the Huaixi Imperial Guards hastily withdrew, Wen Bo dispatched troops to take over Liyang City’s defenses. He naturally possessed a profound understanding of Liyang City’s strategic position commanding both Chao Lake and the Yangtze River. Anticipating that the Chu army’s counterattack on the north bank would target Liyang, beyond stationing elite garrison troops, he also prioritized sending what few heavy crossbows and other siege equipment remained in his possession into Liyang City, intending to strengthen the defenses of this critical stronghold that towered over the eastern shore of Chao Lake and looked south toward the Yangtze.
When Zhou Chu led his forces to advance upon the city walls, faced with Liyang City’s formidable height and险峻 terrain, surrounded on all sides by protective moats, he found no means to launch a successful assault in the short term.
Merely transporting the components of over ten cumbersome bridge vehicles across the river beaches to the city base for assembly, opening a direct approach to the city wall foundations, consumed considerable effort and energy.
By the time these preparatory works were completed, before the assembled whirlwind catapults had even succeeded in demolishing Liyang City’s western tower, first the enemy forces besieged at the southeast of Mount Rusu were routed, followed by Wen Bo and Zhao Mingting being compelled to lead their troops in retreat, abandoning their plan to relieve Liyang. Seeing no hope in continued defense and no reinforcements forthcoming, the Liyang garrison ultimately chose surrender. At this point, Zhou Chu’s forces beneath Liyang City had suffered total casualties of merely several dozen officers and soldiers—the engagement could hardly be called intense.
However, the capture of Dongguan Town, the encirclement and rout of three thousand enemy troops at the southeast of Mount Rusu, and the interception of enemy reinforcements along the western foothills of Mount Fucha and the Chu River banks—these battles’ intensity and casualties, compared even to the engagement at Puyang River mouth, were equally severe if not worse.
Compared to the Puyang River mouth engagement, nearly another month had now passed. The critically scarce material conditions of the southern front Shouzhou army had been further improved, and combat effectiveness had recovered to considerable levels. This meant that Tangyi troops’ casualties were far more severe than in the previous two engagements.
Tangyi forces’ fallen officers and soldiers across multiple battlefields accumulated to a staggering total exceeding four thousand, with wounded numbering over five thousand more.
Such devastating casualties significantly reduced Tangyi troops’ capacity for sustained combat.
To maintain troop morale and prevent it from plummeting, Han Qian had to ensure that land allocation and other matters progressed in parallel with the construction of the Fucha Mountain and Chu River defense lines.
However, of the five thousand Shouzhou army garrison troops within Liyang territory, beyond nearly two thousand annihilated, over three thousand—their routes cut off—could only choose surrender or captivity. These represented net losses for the Shouzhou army.
Additionally, in attempting to break through Tangyi troops’ blockade along Mount Fucha and the Chu River line to advance south for reinforcement, the Shouzhou army also accumulated seven to eight thousand casualties. Combined with their failure to seize advantageous terrain for continuing offensive operations, they temporarily lacked the capability to continue attacking Tangyi troops’ Fucha Mountain and Chu River defense lines.
In the short term, both sides along the eastern Chao Lake region, arrayed along the Chu River and Mount Fucha line, entered a temporary respite in their confrontation, forming a new equilibrium.
At this time, the Huai River ice layers melted. Due to years of neglect in maintaining the dikes along both Huai River banks, ice jams formed upstream, breaching the deteriorated embankments and causing the southern and northern regions of the middle Huai—the Ying, Xu, Huo, and Shou prefectures—to be inundated with raging floodwaters even before the rainy season arrived, with roads and canals washed away.
This made material transportation from the heartland of Liang extremely slow—welcome news for Han Qian defending Tangyi, eliminating concerns about the Shouzhou army’s capacity to launch large-scale counteroffensives in the near term.
However, scouts infiltrating northern Chao Prefecture also detected that the Shouzhou army was massively conscripting laborers in southern Shouzhou to dredge channels between the northern and southern Fei Waters. This apparently reflected lessons learned from the Liyang engagement, aiming to deploy a portion of the River Fleet’s warships to the Chao Lake northern bank region with maximum speed.
Simultaneously, Shouzhou army forces in Chuzhou were constructing camp fortifications south of Mopan Valley, with some elite troops stationed at Zhongli moving south into Shiliang County.
They clearly recognized Tangyi troops’ intent to sever Chuzhou’s communications with the outside from both eastern and western flanks. During this stalemate period, they deliberately strengthened defensive depth on the southeastern side, ensuring Chuzhou City formed an integrated whole with Shiliang County, Zhongli, and Haozhou City to the north, thwarting Tangyi troops’ strategic objectives.
Han Qian currently lacked the capacity to further restrict these Shouzhou army movements. On one hand, Tangyi troops were exhausted and desperately needed rest and reinforcement with fresh combat power. On the other hand, he had far too many urgent matters demanding attention in the short term.
Beyond compensating casualties, multiple camp fortifications required construction and refinement. Land reclamation and allocation, highway construction, river channel dredging, arranging evacuation plans for military personnel and civilians stranded in the Wujian Mountain range—Han Qian traveled ceaselessly across various locations after the battle without a moment’s rest.
When Han Daochang arrived at Liyang representing the Finance Commission, he didn’t see Han Qian for the initial days. Only when Han Qian returned from the Shiquan Grand Camp at the western foothills of Mount Fucha to Dongguan Town did he finally encounter Han Qian rushing back from Tingzi Mountain.
With the Shouzhou army’s withdrawal from the valley-shaped terrain between the southern foothills of Wujian Mountain to Tingzi Mountain and Mount Fucha, over twenty thousand military personnel and civilians previously sheltered in Wujian Mountain could evacuate south of the Chu River.
Refugees or bondservants previously dispatched by capital aristocratic families to occupy land in Chuzhou would undoubtedly be incorporated locally into Tangyi to fill county populations. However, the placement of over two thousand remaining officers and soldiers from the water forces—this matter sparked controversy.
These officers and soldiers primarily came from military households of the Left Fifth Fang Army, their families settled in garrison military districts near Tanzhou and Yueyang. Unlike civilians or bondservants, they were registered in the War Ministry records, lacking personal freedom—naturally rendering them ineligible for voluntary recruitment into Tangyi forces.
Furthermore, authorities in Jinling would not abandon efforts to reconstruct the water forces.
Naturally, Han Qian’s support for Emperor Yanyou’s continued personal governance, his refusal to completely side with the Empress Dowager in suppressing Lu Qingxia and others’ control over the palace quarters, combined with his leadership of Tangyi troops on the north bank shedding blood and sacrificing lives, sparing no cost to defend the imperial capital’s gateway—regardless of what calculations people harbored privately, with prior examples as warning, at least until the situation completely stabilized, no one would hastily dampen meritorious commanders’ hearts.
As nominal Imperial Guards Commander and Commander of All Imperial Guard Field Armies, Prince Shou Yang Zhitang—along with his son, Right Dragon Martial Army Commander Yang Fan—hastened to Dongguan Town on the second day after Han Daochang and Han Qian arrived, specifically on the fifth day of the third month of Yanyou Year Three. Under the pretext of rewarding Tangyi troops for their achievement in capturing Liyang, they came to discuss with Han Qian matters regarding the water forces remnants’ disposition.
The critical turning point of this engagement was the timely rout of enemy forces at the southeast of Mount Rusu. In this battle, over two thousand officers and soldiers from Yang Zhitang and Yang Fan’s direct lineage Right Dragon Martial Army crossed the river to participate—undeniably bringing great honor to Yang Zhitang.
When Yang Zhitang and Yang Fan entered Yuxi River by boat, they discovered the entire Yuxi River turbid and murky, the waters seemingly carrying vast quantities of sediment flowing into the Yangtze.
After entering the upper reaches of Yuxi River, Mount Rusu appeared like a screen stretched across their view. They observed several vessels in nearby waterways being laboriously towed from upstream by hundreds of trackers on both banks, trailing surges of muddy black water from their sterns. Curious, Yang Zhitang asked Feng Liao, Han Daochang, and others who had come to the river mouth to greet them in Han Qian’s stead:
“Yuxi River’s current has been quite powerful these past days. These vessels appear neither particularly awkward nor especially deep-drafted, yet why is their downstream navigation so difficult?”
Han Daochang wore an equally bewildered expression. Having crossed the river this time via the Wushou River mouth and only arriving at Dongguan Town yesterday, he had been equally curious witnessing these circumstances.
“These are plow ships specially constructed in Xuzhou for river channel dredging,” Feng Liao replied without concealment, directly answering Yang Zhitang and others’ confusion.
“The ship hulls themselves don’t contact the riverbed, but enormous plows are fastened to the sterns, embedded into the riverbed sediment. Therefore, trackers must coordinate in towing them forward step by step to stir up the riverbed sediment. These past days, Chao Lake’s surroundings have experienced several consecutive spring rains, causing Chao Lake’s water level to rise and Yuxi River’s current to accelerate—using this method for river channel dredging proves most efficient. When water levels rise further, several large sailing vessels can tow the plow ships, making the process even easier!”
In contemporary times, large-scale river channel dredging could typically only occur during autumn and winter low-water seasons, conscripting laborers to dam flows and deepen riverbeds.
Such methods required extraordinarily massive labor investments.
When Han Qian originally constructed the diversion weir dam at Wuliu Creek and dredged river channels, he employed precisely this method, conscripting thousands of able-bodied laborers in a tremendously visible operation.
Throughout the over twenty years since Great Chu’s founding, few prefectures and counties possessed the capacity to organize such large-scale hydraulic engineering projects during agricultural slack seasons.
River channel maintenance and dredging primarily relied on long-handled ladles operated from boats traveling the waters, gradually excavating riverbed sediment.
This method’s efficiency was unimaginably low, applicable only to maintaining limited priority lakes and waterways—certainly unsuitable for conducting major hydraulic dredging projects.
During Han Qian’s governance in Xuzhou, hydraulic construction, flood prevention, and disaster relief had always been priorities. However, even major waterways could not be casually dammed during autumn and winter seasons, while traditional methods proved excessively inefficient.
Fortunately, Xuzhou’s official and military community had already grown accustomed to approaching problem-solving from engineering and mechanical perspectives.
Plow ships and several specialized dredging vessels represented some of the more effective river channel dredging and sediment removal tools developed in Xuzhou over the past two years.
Plow ships were simplest—large cast iron plows fastened to sterns, dragged along to churn up riverbed sediment, then utilizing rapid currents to carry it away. This method achieved maximum efficiency but only suited waterways with rapid currents where downstream sedimentation posed no concern.
Xuzhou also possessed various dredging vessels, primarily modeled on paddle wheel ship principles—except replacing the paddle wheels that propelled vessels forward with chain-link iron scraping plates reaching the riverbed. Small dredging vessels could be operated by human-powered treadmills, while larger versions employed animal power driving capstans and winches. Chain-link scraping plates excavated riverbed sediment, dumping it into sediment transport vessels on both sides, accomplishing river channel clearance.
Such dredging vessels were complex to manufacture, but in calm-water channels without rapid currents, this sediment removal method proved more efficient than deploying hundreds of laborers at once—Xuzhou being particularly deficient in able-bodied labor.
The excavated riverbed sediment could also enrich adjacent farmland fertility—a matter of gains and losses.
As Chao Lake’s downstream sole waterway connecting to the Yangtze, Yuxi River bore tremendous flood discharge pressure each rainy season.
Failure to promptly dredge Yuxi River and conduct necessary channel widening would, upon the rainy season’s arrival, not only cause flooding along both Yuxi River banks due to Chao Lake’s rapid water discharge, but also—due to Yuxi River’s insufficient and untimely flood discharge efficiency—result in Chao Lake’s water level rapidly rising, potentially expanding the lake area several times over in short order, effectively submerging surrounding reclaimable beach lands.
If one were not eager to reclaim lakeside beach lands, this naturally posed no urgent problem. However, Han Qian had already begun constructing polder dikes north of Mount Rusu, planning large-scale reclamation of new fields within the polders to settle officers and soldiers’ dependents and families.
Under such circumstances, if Chao Lake’s rainy season flood discharge and water level issues remained unaddressed, the newly constructed polder dikes would face tremendous pressure when the rainy season arrived.
The consequences of dike breaches, field flooding, and loss of life obviously exceeded what Tangyi could currently endure.
Therefore, after several dredging vessels were transferred from Xuzhou, they were first concentrated on clearing the approximately eight to nine-li stretch of Yuxi River’s upper reaches between Qibao Mountain and Mount Rusu.
Beyond dredging vessels, over two thousand laborers worked ceaselessly along the river excavating and widening waterways on the beaches to increase summer and autumn flood discharge capacity.
This approach offered another tremendous advantage: come this autumn and winter, when Chao Lake and the Yangtze entered low-water periods, large warships would not lose their ability to freely enter Chao Lake due to shallower channels, thereby forfeiting the strategic advantage of controlling Chao Lake.
This was also key to Han Qian’s priority in settling evacuated refugees within Liyang County territory, even considering establishing a new county based on Dongguan Fort—these matters required massive labor conscription.
Faced with Feng Liao’s explanation, Yang Zhitang clicked his tongue without voicing comment. From the downstream turbid waters, one could observe this method’s extraordinary effectiveness—who knew how much settled sediment was being churned up and washed away daily.
The Finance Commission, Salt and Iron Transport Commission, and the Revenue Ministry could command Great Chu’s financial arteries. Those serving as officials all prided themselves on mastering practical governance arts.
Han Daochang, having joined the Finance Commission as a bureau director, ordinarily harbored considerable self-regard. At this moment, however, too many of his concepts were being overturned…
He had heard that the Shouzhou army was also widening channels between the northern and southern Fei Waters, seeking to rapidly deploy a portion of the River Fleet’s warships to Chao Lake. Even so, he couldn’t help thinking that even after the River Fleet’s warships arrived, beyond defending several key river mouths on Chao Lake’s northern shore, even come autumn and winter, they would still lack the means to contend with large warships constructed in Xuzhou within Chao Lake.
This had transcended the level of simple officer and soldier combat with blades, halberds, swords, and spears through bloody flesh-and-blood struggles.
If such plow ships were employed for dredging and clearing waterways like the Chu River and other north bank channels, achieving remarkable effectiveness in short order, Han Daochang could scarcely imagine what methods the Shouzhou army might rely upon to suppress Tangyi troops’ naval superiority.
Naturally, Han Qian harbored another plan that Feng Liao would not reveal to Yang Zhitang and Yang Fan, though Han Daochang knew of it.
Namely, Han Qian’s subsequent focus in governing Tangyi counties would, for a considerable period ahead, concentrate on western Liyang rather than eastern Tangyi.
Tangyi’s surroundings were flat plains lacking sufficient defensive depth. Simultaneously, one must guard against court figures potentially harboring designs on seizing their construction achievements in the future. Directly across the river from Jinling City—the proximity was excessive.
However, Liyang’s western lakeside region possessed Mount Rusu to the south, Qibao Mountain to the southwest, Green Azure Mountain, Mount Fucha, and Black Fish Ridge to the north, the fortified city of Liyang to the east, and the deep, expansive hundred-li depths of Chao Lake to the west—all terrain advantageous for Tangyi troops’ defense.
Most critically, the lakeside region contained nearly two hundred thousand mu of low-lying land reclaimable as new fields, providing necessary land resources for settling over ten thousand officer and soldier households, constructing cities, and developing artisan workshops. Surrounding mountain ranges held abundant limestone, iron ore, timber, and coal resources, providing necessary foundations for developing mining and industrial enterprises.
The surrounding low hills and mounds stretched interwoven, streams and rivers crisscrossed with sufficient elevation differences—simultaneously providing conveniences for large-scale development and utilization of hydraulic machinery.
This was the optimal location for replicating the early Qiuhu Mountain and later Xuzhou models.
Han Qian’s next strategic plan involved first constructing polder dikes in Liyang City’s western lakeside region, reclaiming new fields, building major water camp fortifications, then establishing shipyards, docks, iron foundries, and textile workshops—developing this region into Tangyi’s true military, economic, cultural, and even political center.
Dredging Yuxi River, this sole waterway connecting Chao Lake to the Yangtze, thus became even more important and urgent.
Major construction efforts north of Mount Rusu—this was also the primary reason for Han Daochang’s current visit.
Han Qian currently faced too many, far too many tasks. The previous intense battles had nearly exhausted Xuzhou’s accumulated resources over recent years. Subsequent efforts could only concentrate forces on first ensuring several key camp constructions, concentrating resources on first building one shipyard, one iron foundry, and one weapons foundry—other aspects proved difficult to accommodate simultaneously, requiring attraction of various external forces to participate in subsequent construction.
Traditions spanning thousands of years had accustomed aristocratic clans and emerging privileged classes alike to fixing their gazes on land accumulation. However, commercial and industrial enterprises were not suppressed to complete silence.
The Feng family’s ancestors had early utilized the convenience of official positions as Jianghuai Salt and Iron Transport Commissioner to operate cargo trading through warehouses and shipping. Jinling and various prefectures contained numerous wealthy households engaged in liquor monopolies or iron casting. The Han family’s copper and iron mining, smelting, and bronze vessel casting had long enjoyed renowned fame.
However, the old system favored families’ land occupation and bondservant accumulation. Regardless of whether the Feng, Han, or even Zheng clans profited richly from commercial and industrial enterprises, these gains were ultimately transferred to land, residences, and bondservant accumulation rather than invested in commercial and industrial development itself.
Even to promote further population concentration on the north bank, Han Qian needed to strive to attract more forces to develop mining and industrial enterprises there—naturally, subsequent efforts also required various regions to further weaken personal restrictions on bondservants; otherwise, lacking sufficient demand, mining and industrial ceilings would remain extremely low.
Naturally, however renowned Han Qian’s achievements, the new systems he intended to implement subsequently in Tangyi fundamentally violated aristocratic clan interests—merely that current circumstances compelled court ministers and nobles representing aristocratic clans to make compromises.
Otherwise, Han Qian’s desire to organize Tangyi troops through volunteer recruitment would have been impossible.
Han Qian harbored no expectations that high moral character could win aristocratic clans’ widespread support. However, beyond the Han family’s determination to invest all subsequent resources here, beyond his subsequent recruitment of a batch of increasingly established mining and industrial proprietors from Xuzhou, Qiao Wei and Yan hailed from Shezhou’s Qiao clan, Chen Zhiyong from Chizhou’s Chen clan—all regional aristocratic families. Han Jun and Han Duan’s married wives all came from local prominent households. Could he potentially recruit even some Han clan members who had branched out?
Contemporary aristocratic clans still practiced eldest son inheritance systems. Naturally, sons from secondary wives harbored aspirations for seeking their own paths forward.
While Han Daoming needed to secure greater benefits for Tangyi within the court, certain additional and tedious tasks required Han Daochang to shoulder.
Though Han Qian would subsequently restrict aristocratic clans from occupying land and accumulating bondservants on the north bank, as long as taxes were paid, hiring workers to mine, develop artisan workshops, or even cultivate plantations on the north bank would all be encouraged and protected.